Corruption has been increasing rather
readily in Russia for decades because of the
huge concentration of wealth and power, a
cumbersome bureaucracy, a poorly organised
civil service, a weak judiciary, and other
sociological factors. This phenomenon
of corruption was combated to the some
extant only for the Stalin’s period of the
Soviet regime because of the totalitarian
rule. Nowadays corruption represents a
very serious threat to Russian democracy,
the economy and the legal system. After
a long period of inaction, the Law ‘About
Counteraction to Corruption’ was adopted
on 25 December 2008. Critics of the law have
questioned whether it will be effective in the
current climate of corruption.
One of the most rampant areas of
corruption is at the local or municipal
government level. The problem is the result
of a poorly organised and underpaid civil
service, a poor standard of living, and a weak
judiciary. There are also sociological factors
that contribute to the culture of corruption.
For example, many local enforcement officers
conduct business using family or personal
connections. Because of these sociological
factors, it is very difficult to keep a balance
between public interests and private interests.
Moreover, many municipal mayors are
members of the ruling party, which affords
them immunity from prosecution. To
compound the problem, many are friendly
with the regional officials or the regional
party functionaries. Such regional officials
are directly responsible for investigating
corrupt activity, and are therefore able to help
municipal officials escape criminal liability for
corrupt dealings. It is not surprising that the
government’s track record in fighting against
corruption is very poor. Finally, many party
functionaries will not bring charges against
corrupt colleagues in order to maintain a
clean party image.
A good case study of the misuse of
municipal funds is the aftermath of the
Chernobyl nuclear disaster. Under Russian
legislation, all clean up workers were entitled
to a plot of land. The municipal government
was responsible for dispersing such land. In
2007, one worker, Mr B, filed a request for
a plot of land with the Kimry Municipality.
The Municipality decided to render the land
plot to him. Mr B paid all fees necessary in
order to prepare the land for building. Later
however, Mr B discovered that the Municipal
Committee of Property Management sold
his land in a public sale. Mr B brought the
civil action in the local court. The court
determined that the person who purchased
Mr B’s land at the public sale had not signed
the contract by the date indicated on the
contract in a timely manner, thus nullifying
the contract. The court also determined
that the public sale was in violation of the
law concerning the rights of the Chernobyl
nuclear disaster clean up workers. The Kimry
Municipality’ appeals to the higher courts
were dismissed. Nonetheless, the Mayor of
Kimry Municipality signed the land plot to
Mr B only five-and-a-half months after the
judgment was entered.
In summary, while Russia has seen
an increasing number of bribery and
corruption scandals, there has been little
in the way of systematic developments to
combat corruption in Russia. This fight
against corruption continues to collide with
traditional red tape, scarcity of management
and the dominance of cronyism and nepotism
in the public work force.